A three-judge panel at the U.S. Court of International Trade ruled unanimously May 28 that the Trump administration’s use of the International Economic Emergency Powers Act (IEEPA) to institute sweeping tariffs is illegal. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit will allow the tariffs to stay in place, pending appeal by the Trump administration.
The legal challenges to most of President Donald Trump’s sweeping tariff agenda may go to the Supreme Court, a process that could take additional weeks or months to play out.
Tariffs impacted by the ruling include the 10% tariffs on most imports, as well as more aggressive tariffs imposed in the past on China, Canada, Mexico, beginning in February. The country-specific tariffs made public on April 2 — and put in place for about 13 hours on April 9 before being paused by President Donald Trump until July 9 — are also ruled invalid under this judgment.
The ruling could upend most of the trade action undertaken by the administration over the last several months, as part of a broad policy aimed at reshaping much of the U.S. economy.
Grant Thornton Insight:
This is a highly fluid situation, and the tariff landscape continues to evolve. If the administration’s tariffs are ultimately struck down in court, that could mean much of the approximately $30 billion in additional duties paid to the government may need to be refunded, and could force the administration to halt or significantly restructure much of the tariff regime put in place this year.
In its judgment, the court found that the administration was attempting to exercise powers granted to Congress, rather than the presidency, in the Constitution.
“Because of the Constitution’s express allocation of the tariff power to Congress …[we] do not read IEEPA to delegate an unbounded tariff authority to the President. We instead read IEEPA’s provisions to impose meaningful limits on any such authority it confers,” the court wrote in its summary judgment.
The president and senior members of his administration have argued that the tariffs were necessary national security measures to combat fentanyl smuggling and trade deficits and to onshore more domestic production.
In the court’s view, Trump and his administration overstepped limits in legal authority in most of the tariffs imposed during this year, either by attempting to use IEEPA in a way it was not meant to be used, or by using the national security law to impose tariffs that “do not deal with the threats set forth in those orders,” with regard to fentanyl smuggling-related rationales for the 25% tariffs on Canadian and Mexican imports, as well as the initial tariffs on Chinese products.
In a much narrower but still important ruling in a separate case on May 29, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia granted a preliminary injunction to two U.S. toy companies seeking relief from the same tariffs on the grounds that those import taxes are unlawful. Unlike the trade court ruling, the injunction only applies to those two companies (and is appealable) but provides a template for other companies to petition for temporary relief from the same tariffs.
Notably, neither case affects product-specific tariffs imposed by the administration on automobiles, auto parts, steel, aluminum, or others likely to be put in place this year, including on critical minerals and derivative products, semiconductors, copper and copper derivatives, pharmaceuticals, timber, lumber and certain maritime shipping equipment. Those are in a more standard investigatory process, authorized under a different law that was not a part of the lawsuits that the U.S. trade court ruled on. Lawsuits from a New York-based wine importer, as well as 12 attorneys general (led by Oregon and Arizona), led to the summary judgment on the use of IEEPA, but the administration’s sectoral tariffs on specific products and their derivatives are seen as a more established use of legal authority to impose tariffs and not included in this lawsuit.
Grant Thornton Insight:
The initial ruling is welcome news to a number of businesses – and less welcome news to some domestic suppliers – but an extraordinary amount of uncertainty remains. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit will decide if the tariffs should remain in place while this major legal issue works its way to the Supreme Court.
The judgment casts significant doubt in the short-term that tariffs will be leveraged to negotiate new, long-term, binding trade agreements. This was already unlikely due to the level of detail and years that formal trade agreements require; free trade agreements, which are legal agreements between countries, require domestic legislative to conform with the negotiated agreement, similar to tax treaties. The prior Trump administration, as well as this one, has leaned towards informal arrangements to de-escalate trade conflicts: The Phase One agreement with China in 2020, which China did not adhere to; the recent UK-U.S. trade announcement, which is not legally binding and fairly narrow; and the May 14 de-escalation with China over current tariff rates. The update to the North American Free Trade Agreement negotiated during the first administration is a notable exception, though the U.S. did not impose tariffs in the lead-up to that process and weighed tariffs on Mexico only after all sides agreed to the new U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement.
The IEEPA tariffs have prompted some level of retaliation, with threats of broader escalation that could go even further towards disrupting global commerce. The judgment does nothing to halt the several product- and sector-specific tariffs in place or anticipated later this year under the separate Section 232 legal process. Those are and could be extremely impactful to companies and on their own would normally be viewed as the launching of a trade war. (Canada escalated its own retaliation in large part due to the steel and aluminum tariffs, while the EU also threatened action but has so far abstained.) They also could be affected by legal action, as Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act, the law used to implement them, is a national security statute, though a much more established route for implementing tariffs.
Other countries will closely watch the legal proceedings, as well as creation by Congress of a potential new Section 899 and creation of a “super” base erosion and anti-abuse tax (BEAT) for companies based in countries that move forward with digital services, undertaxed profits rule (UTPR) taxes, or other taxes viewed as retaliatory towards U.S. multinationals.
For more information, contact:



Kelly Schindler
Head of Manufacturing Industry
Grant Thornton Advisors LLC
Partner, Audit Services, Grant Thornton LLP
Kelly Schindler is the Head of the Manufacturing industry and an Audit Partner based in the Saint Louis office.
Saint Louis, Missouri
Industries
- Manufacturing, Transportation & Distribution
- Retail & Consumer Brands
- Technology, Media & Telecommunications
- Transportation & Distribution
Service Experience
- Audit & Assurance Services



Storme Sixeas
Tax - Managing Director
Washington National Tax Office
Grant Thornton Advisors LLC
Storme Sixeas serves as the Tax Legislative Affairs leader for Grant Thornton’s Washington National Tax Office.
Washington DC, Washington DC
Service Experience
- Tax Services
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